The Sunday Mail
Lovemore Ranga Mataire
Africans are expectantly waiting for the African Union to expedite reformation of the United Nations Security Council, an issue whose origins lie in the Harare and Ezulwini declarations that President Mugabe was instrumental in concretising. The expectation comes in the wake of the recent visit to Harare by Sierra Leone’s President Dr Ernest Bai Koroma, who is part of an AU 10-member committee appointed by to advance this agenda.
While the issue of Security Council reforms may appear remote to most Africans grappling with daily survival demands, there is no doubt that the continent’s myriad problems, including perennial conflicts, are attributable to a skewed international system that favours the West.
Instituting such reforms is thus a fundamental issue.
It was during President Mugabe’s reign as AU Chairman (2015-2016) that the issue of Security Council reforms got new impetus, with African leaders unanimously agreeing that change was needed.
The push for reforms was consummated in 2005 in Swaziland when African leaders adopted the Ezulwini Consensus.
The AU Executive Council recalled that in 1945, when the UN was formed, most of Africa was under colonialism and that in 1963, when the first reform took place, the continent was represented but was not in a particularly strong position.
Convinced that Africa was now better placed to influence global affairs, African leaders agreed that the continent should have full representation in all decision-making organs of the UN, particularly in the Security Council.
They said they would push for Africa to have at least two permanent seats with veto power and five rotational non-permanent seats on the Security Council. Although Africa is in principle opposed to the veto, it was held that as long as the instrument existed then the continent should also have the right to use it.
The Ezulwini Consensus further advanced the view that the AU must be responsible for selection of Africa’s representatives on the Security Council.
The historical background to the reform agenda is that while African leaders have religiously attended the UN General Assembly, their voices have remained muted because of the dominant and domineering actions of some of the permanent members of the Security Council.
Historically, UN membership provided African leaders with an important forum to express African views on a variety of international issues; such as decolonisation, opposition to apartheid, promotion of socio-economic development, and disarmament.
Today, the UN has largely become a talk shop for Africa because Western powers simply do as they please via a Security Council on which Africa has no voice.
There is an observable trend by powerful nations to disregard sovereignty and non-intervention to justify their intrusion into member states to advance their own interests.
Africans are aware that the fragility of their nation-states cannot withstand militaristic intrusions of Western powers if they do not get Security Council equality.
In light of this, the AU came up with a common position in Addis Ababa in 2005 for reforms of both the General Assembly and Security Council.
The AU called for the General Assembly to be strengthened for it to play its proper role as the most representative and democratic body in the UN system.
African leaders also said measures be taken to enhance the General Assembly’s effectiveness in maintaining international peace and security, and ensuring implementation of its decisions.
They also called for a more professional and well-trained UN Secretariat.
Africa expects a significant number of Africans be recruited at middle and high managerial levels, especially in the peacekeeping and political affairs departments. On the Security Council, the AU affirmed the 1991 Harare Declaration.
Some of the recommendations in the Harare Declaration include the fact that Africa be represented in all UN decision-making organs, particularly the Security Council, which is the principal decision-making organ in matters relating to international peace and security.
Africa’s position is informed by the fact that a series of UN-sponsored military interventions in Somalia from 1992-1995 saw major international involvement in continental peace and security.
At its peak, the UN operation included over 38 000 troops from 20 countries, and led to the effective occupation of southern and central Somalia.
This operation was carried out without any official invitation from any Somali authority. It was unsurprising that even the warring parties shared a mutual suspicion of a UN military operation mainly dominated by the United States.
Today, Western countries are meddling in Egypt, Tunisia, Libya and other countries.
Over the years, it has come to the realisation of most African leaders that the most likely successor to post-colonial sovereignty is neo-liberal vassalage in which Western powers assume direct and open-ended control over their administrations, and security and economic policies under the banner of UN intervention.
It is also critical to note that America has used its Security Council veto and financial muscle to squash any debate or decisions that are at variance with its interests.
