The Sunday Mail
The Zhuwao Brief congratulates Cdes Emmerson Mnangagwa and Phelekezela Mphoko on their appointments by President Mugabe as the two Vice-Presidents of Zimbabwe after having been appointed as the VPs and Second Secretaries of ZANU-PF for their “skill, experience, probity, integrity and commitment to the party, its ideology, values, principles and policies” as required by Section 35 (1)(b) of the ruling party’s constitution as amended in 2014.
Their appointments are a triumph for not only the values outlined above, but the reaffirmation of the spirit of unity that saw the creation of the Patriotic Front in 1976 and signing of the Unity Accord in 1987.
There are some narratives being peddled that seek to locate the appointments of the VPs within imagined and delusional succession discourses.
The appointments are not about succession, nor are the appointments about succession’s toxic cousin, factionalism. These succession narratives are so very wrong.
This article submits that these succession narratives are inherently divisive and inimical to the concept of unity which the whole nation celebrates tomorrow.
I start by unpacking just one of these succession narratives as an example, before explaining why these succession narratives are not only wrong, but divisive, counter-revolutionary, regressive, and contrary to the developmental and transformational aspirations of Zimbabwe as well.
I will posit that the origins of these succession narratives are founded in the neo-colonial and imperialist programmes that masquerade as neo-liberal and neo-conservative paradigms and find expression within the regime change agenda.
The article concludes by making proposals on how we should respond to these malicious and deleterious succession narratives.
The narratives
There are several narratives that have appeared in the media that have sought to locate the appointments of the VPs around the succession discourse.
The narratives are based on comments by so-called unnamed ZANU-PF sources, with others being based around the actions of some party members.
It is ZANU-PF members who feed these succession narratives.
An example of some of these deceptive narratives is one that gives more prominence to VP Mnangagwa over VP Mphoko despite the fact that they are at par.
The newspapers of December 11, 2014 had headlines like “It’s Mnangagwa!” and “Mnangagwa finally arrives”.
This narrative is further bolstered by the mention of a non-existent distinction between the two VPs by seeking to address Cde Mnangagwa as the “First” Vice President. This is then reinforced by mischievous statements that say VP Mnangagwa has been set up to succeed President Mugabe.
Such a narrative naturally leads to high expectations by those who are close to and are part of VP Mnangagwa’s family, in both the natural sense and the political one.
The exuberance can quite easily result in such statements as the ones attributed to Honourable Josaya Hungwe which have been described as “blasphemous praise singing”.
Nathaniel Manheru in The Herald (December 20, 2014) warned about the dangers that those people close to the VPs pose to them. He urges the VPs to be “homeless” since they are VPs to the whole nation, not Zvishavane or Nkayi.
Similarly, I am of the view that an event to thank President Mugabe for appointing the VPs cannot be held in Zvimba. The President and the First Family are domiciled in the capital city since they represent the whole nation.
Consequently, such an event ought to be held in Harare.
This conceptualisation also finds expression in the fact that Zimbabwe’s Constitution does not allow the President and the two VPs to be Members of Parliament.
The succession narratives are specifically designed to set agendas contrary to national objectives. They are divisive and inimical to unity.
Succession narratives
are wrong
It was obvious in the run-up to the 6th National People’s Congress that most attention was focussed on the factional succession antics of the “Mujuru cabal”.
Zimbabwe’s Constitution gives President Mugabe two terms of five years each. This means he can only be succeeded after 2023; that is a good nine years from now.
The people of Zimbabwe elected Cde Mugabe to be the President of Zimbabwe with an overwhelming majority of 62 percent. He has only completed one year of his first five-year term. He is due for re-election in 2018.
ZANU-PF’s 6th National People’s Congress elected Cde Mugabe the President and First Secretary of the party from 2014 to 2019. There will be no other ordinary session of Congress until 2019, but there will be National People’s Conferences annually from 2015 to 2018.
The 2017 National People’s Conference will be held prior to the Presidential elections of 2018.
Section 33(3) of ZANU-PF’s Constitution states that one of the powers and functions of the National People’s Conference is “to declare the President of the party elected at Congress as the State Presidential candidate of the party”.
Hence the so-called succession discourse is delusional and imaginary. It is hot air; the stuff of those vanenge vaguta nyemba.
How can any right-thinking person engage in narratives around a non-issue unless they have another agenda?
I believe that the succession narratives serve other malicious and deleterious agendas which include sowing disunity, disharmony and division.
This is meant to detract attention from the core issues.
In this way, ZANU-PF cadres will not be able to focus on furthering the aims and objectives of the revolution and advancing the developmental and transformational aspirations of the nation.
Origins of succession
narratives
I cannot imagine that any Zimbabwean would seek to further such succession narratives.
I suspect that those Zimbabweans that propagate regressive succession narratives do so out of ignorance. It is highly likely that certain foreign agendas would have been set for them and they would inadvertently and unwittingly push succession narratives that they erroneously believe to belong to themselves.
Narratives around succession have largely been driven by the regime change agenda.
In its crudest form, regime change has manifested in the promotion of the MDC formations. However, these have failed to deliver regime change to their masters, resulting in realignment of strategies to focus on influencing members of ZANU-PF.
The focus to members of ZANU-PF has sought to refine the strategy for regime change by subtle and subliminal agenda setting.
Of late, the succession narratives convinced members of the Mujuru cabal to plan overthrowing President Mugabe.
Some of these factionalists were convinced that they were doing the correct thing because they had been subliminally enticed through intricate agenda setting exercises.
The agenda setting is conducted through the embassies and missions of neo-colonial and imperialist nations.
The episodes of the American operative, Eric Little and his band of Dirty Dozen of Little men, were designed to create room and opportunity for conversations that ideologically compromise ZANU-PF legislators.
Subliminal approaches
For the first time in my 47 years of existence, the United States administration, through its mission in Zimbabwe sent me a calendar and a card wishing me the best for the holiday season.
The card was signed by several people including Eric Little. How can an administration that has imposed sanctions on me wish me any good, let alone the best?
What utter nonsense and rubbish! This is rank hypocrisy at its worst.
I read this approach by the Americans as an attempt to entice not only myself, but other members of ZANU-PF into engaging in conversations with these devils.
These conversations will provide an opportunity for subtle and subliminal agenda setting that seeks to further the regime change agenda.
The American effort was immediately followed by another approach from a Piers Pigou of the International Crisis Group.
Organisations like the ICG are much more dangerous than the embassies and missions in that they claim independence and impartiality in the same way that a python uses its colours and patterns to lure its prey. Inyoka.
The ICG was created by Western diplomats during the Balkan Crisis ostensibly to provide “well-considered analysis for various nations”.
The resultant intervention of the so-called international community ultimately led to the disintegration of that region.
The ICG serves as a cover to further the neo-colonial and imperialist programme in such a manner that governments with feeble-minded leaders are sold on these so-called analyses.
Although Pigou is based in South Africa, he has nonetheless chosen to be in Zimbabwe long after the conclusion of the 6th National People’s Congress.
Whilst he claims to be a researcher, he prefaces his questions with suppositions that implant ideas into the minds of those he talks to.
His suppositions inevitably focus on replacing President Mugabe.
In a conversation with Pigou, as he attempted to feign ignorance of the resolutions of the 6th National People’s Congress, he repeatedly stated that ZANU-PF had not resolved the succession issue.
In my view, Pigou was definitely attempting to implant seeds of doubt in my mind. But unfortunately, akanyangira yaoona.
Pigou would inter-space his agenda setting with tit-bits on how the international community was trying to find ways to re-engage and “assist” Zimbabwe.
He went as far as complimenting Zim-Asset as a good blueprint but was quick to say it needed Western money.
Pigou questioned the ability and capacity of Russia and China to provide funding.
What cheek and utter hogwash considering the mega deals President Mugabe signed in China in August and the massive investments by the Russian in September 2014.
Ane hunhu hwegonzo rinoruma richifuridzira.
The likes Little and Pigou are dangerous in that they use what appear to be innocuous small talk and conversations to implant ideas which could very possibly be seditious.
They must be treated in the same manner that a person with Ebola is treated. Stay away from them, quarantine them, and allow only the professionals who are properly kitted to engage with them.
For the attention of Pigou, Little and your like-minded clique, there is no succession issue to resolve in Zimbabwe.
Zimbabwe and ZANU-PF have President Mugabe who has recently been elected.
Dealing with succession
narratives
How then do we deal with such succession narratives?
Firstly, we must be guided by the experience of how ZANU_PF dealt with the Mujuru cabal.
ZANU-PF’s Congress decisively dealt with factionalism and such divisive tendencies in a systemic and institutional manner by resolving to institutionalise a single source of power through amendments to the constitution.
ZANU-PF must never allow the re-emergence of alternative centres of power. It is important that we maintain and strengthen our institutional integrity.
Leaders at all levels must check and stem the tendency to create multiple centres of power should they start to manifest themselves.
This tendency is normally initiated by those that may seek to ingratiate themselves with the leadership.
Secondly, it is incumbent upon each and every member of ZANU-PF to have a clear understanding of the party’s ideology, mission and vision.
This understanding must be underpinned by an appreciation and reverence for our Independence and sovereignty, and the need to always be vigilant in the face of the relentless onslaught by neo-colonialists and imperialists.
This consciousness must be enveloped by a confidence that can only come from an inquiring and analytical mindset.
It is also important to disavow the silly notion by some of our simpletons to view the thoughts and ideas of the white man as superior.
This notion is what makes it easier for neo-colonialists and imperialists to set agendas for us.
It is normally individual members of ZANU-PF that approach leaders with whispers meant to caress their egos.
ZANU-PF cadres who are ideologically grounded must understand the dangers that divisive actions and deeds have on not just our independence and sovereignty, but also on our national security.
Lastly, and probably most importantly, as friends, colleagues and relatives of the VPs, we must accept that we have lost these people to national service.
They no longer belong to us to do with as we please.
They cannot be denied to anyone as was unfortunately done in Zvishavane where some people were chased away from their own VP.
They are now national assets and resources given to us by President Mugabe.
It is now our responsibility to work with them and use them effectively.
I wish you a peaceful Unity Day and a Merry Christmas.
Pamberinekubatana.
Icho!
Honourable Patrick Zhuwao is chair of Zhuwao Institute, an economics, development and research think tank focused on integrating socio-political dimensions into business and economic decision making, particularly strategic planning. Zhuwao is the holder of a BSc (Honours) degree in Computer Systems Engineering and an MBA in Information Technology Management (City University, London). He also holds BSc (Honours) and MSc degrees in Economics (University of Zimbabwe), as well as a Master of Management (with distinction) degree in Public and Development Management (University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg). You can reach him at [email protected] and [email protected]
