The Sunday Mail
Zimbabwean Aaron Milner was intimately involved in Zambia’s independence movement, and worked closely with leaders of the Second Chimurenga when he was appointed to Dr Kenneth Kaunda’s government. Now retired and back in Zimbabwe, our News Editor Morris Mkwate caught up with him in Harare last week. This is Milner in his own words.
I was born in Zimbabwe; therefore I am Zimbabwean by birth.
(In the late 1950s) I won the Governor’s Trophy and a scholarship to study in Italy for five years, with the famous Benjamin Ogili. I was the best opera tenor singer in Southern Rhodesia.
On one holiday, I went to Ndola, Northern Rhodesia (now Zambia), to bid my sister farewell. And who do I meet?: This young girl here (pointing at his 80-year-old wife Phyllis).
That changed my entire life: I cancelled my scholarship and decided I did not want to go anymore. I went to Bulawayo to say my farewells, and returned to Zambia.
I then involved myself with Kenneth Kaunda.
Kaunda formed the United National Independence Party (Unip) after he broke away from the ANC led by Harry Mwanga Nkumbula.
Unip’s congress was packed with 50 000 delegates. I was invited from Chingola — newly-married with my wife — to attend this congress. So, I drove there, and we were put under grass shelters. At night, somebody came to my hut and asked: “Are you Aaron Milner?”
I said, “Yes.”
“Your name is on the top six who were elected to lead this new party.” I said, “What?”
At midnight, I jumped into my car; drove all the way to Chingola, Copperbelt; collected my wife and our child, and drove all the way to my mother in Victoria Falls, in the village, and hid there. But they still elected me deputy secretary-general of Unip.
I only reconsidered after Kaunda invited me back, and they got me a job in Chingola.
When Kaunda went to London to negotiate for the break-up of the Federation (of Rhodesia and Nyasaland) — Independence — I was a delegate. And on Independence Day, Kaunda gave me Zambian citizenship, and I became a Cabinet minister from then onwards.
The portfolios I held were Parliamentary Secretary (Office of the Prime Minister), Minister of State for the Civil Service, Minister of State for Security, Minister of Home Affairs, Minister of Power, Transport and Works and Minister of Defence.
Hosting liberation movements
Zambia got independence on October 24, 1964. At that time, all liberation movement leaders lived in Zambia, which was their main base to prepare for their struggle.
Kaunda was an excellent man. He opened up Zambia for all of them.
Zimbabwe, South Africa, Mozambique, Angola and Namibia all had liberation movements stationed in Lusaka.
In fact, my wife looked after many of the nationalist leaders — Samora Machel, Joshua Nkomo, and others.
We hosted Joshua Nkomo and (Simon) Khaya Moyo at our house for three years. Some of the leaders also stayed at State House when they were in Lusaka. Of course, there was always the threat of reprisals from the Rhodesians. Ian Smith bombed us quite a few times.
At one point, his people were coming to bomb our house.
They had armed ammunition which they wanted to throw into our house. They couldn’t do that; so they threw the ammunition into our water reservoirs, which burst, and our house became flooded.
Fortunately, the army that was looking after us managed to repel them.
Smith’s agents tried several times to kill me and my family, but the security system was very clever.
JZ Moyo targeted
I was responsible for going to Russia and China to pick up weapons for the liberation movements. I started off bringing weapons from Tanzania with one Land-Rover.
The first load was for the ANC (of South Africa). I used to take these not only to Lusaka, but also to the borders, and hand them over to fighters in South Africa. In the end, I was doing 100 vehicles at a time for all the movements.
Countries like China and Russia were giving all the weaponry and ammunition free (of charge). It cost millions and millions, but it was all free.
Julius Nyerere and Kaunda were the ones involved, and getting these countries to supply the weapons.
So, we were going there to pick them up and taking them to areas where there was fighting.
Meanwhile, the Rhodesians were sending parcels and letters to Lusaka through the post office. All these parcels and letters had bombs.
Since I was responsible for all of them, we installed special equipment at all the offices of the liberation movements.
Whenever they got letters and parcels, they had to put them through these machines to check whether there were any bombs. (That was after they had bombed the post office.)
Unfortunately for Zapu, JZ Moyo got a parcel and the people there said, “You have a parcel from your friend in Botswana.”
They did not put it through the scanning machine. JZ sat there on his desk and opened the parcel. There was a bomb! It blew him to smithereens. I was there picking up his remains.
Just like (Zanu Chair Cde Herbert) Chitepo, I had to go and pick up his remains.
It was terrible. I couldn’t bear it, but Kaunda said: “Young man, you are in charge; don’t give up, continue.” It was not easy; it was tough.
This was the problem we faced from time to time. But Kaunda was so committed, as he said to the whole world: “As long as Africa is not free, Zambia is not free.”
We used to plead with him in Cabinet and the Central Committee: “We are putting too much into these countries’ problems. Zambia is no longer free. Zambia’s security is vulnerable. We are having so many problems — post offices bombed . . .” Kaunda said: “I don’t care. Zambia, you sacrifice everything to ensure the whole of Africa is free. Zambia will be the base for them to fight from.” And this is what happened.
The nationalist leaders who were not in prison at the time were living in our home. They were so committed. There was a conviction that the struggle would be won. There were no weapons of war in the case of Zambia’s independence.
There were lots of strikes and protests, but we did not fight the way the other countries fought.
So, Zambia said we shall learn, sacrifice and support until Africa is free.
Bombardment
Mkushi was nearer the borders with Tanzania/Malawi, and this is where now the liberators were coming (through) into Zambia, South Africa, Zimbabwe and Namibia.
Mkushi was a very important place. We had a lot of white farmers there. Smith was trying to get their support and to get them to sell out against us.
However, a lot of them refused, saying they supported what Kaunda was doing.
The weapons were coming in from Tanzania through Mkushi. Freedom Camp was where we were hosting our various movements, and looking after them, too. The Rhodesians were bombing Zambians, but, of course, we had our own bombers. We hit back, and eventually Smith was very careful.
(They bombed Mkushi and Freedom camps) but there were not very many deaths because we moved out a lot of our people from those areas where they were bombing.
(After the bombings) there were 3 000 youths staying on our farm until 1980. My wife used to slaughter cattle and sheep to feed them.
We also had tight security systems looking after those areas, with anti-aircraft missiles, guns and all. So, we were well-equipped.
We had the help of China; the help of President Tito of then Yugoslavia. He was incredible in helping us put up our fight.
All these countries were sending in their own intelligence systems, army people to help us fight Smith.
And then Mozambique got freedom. Mozambique and Samora Machel played a vital role since they were now able to keep thousands of Zanla and Zipra fighters — supporting, arming them and ensuring they were well looked after.
Dawn of Independence
When the Lancaster House Settlement was signed and Zimbabwe’s independence came, Kaunda cried and wept with joy.
That man sacrificed so much of his life for the freedom of Africa.
As he said: “Zambia would not be free until the rest of Africa was free.”
When the agreement was signed, and Robert Mugabe and Joshua Nkomo were to fight for their first election, Kaunda sent me here from Lusaka. And I worked with Joshua Nkomo and President Mugabe to show them how to set up their machinery for national elections.
It was showing them, really, how to get ready for elections; what systems to use; how to go about it.
They hadn’t faced an election of that type, but Zambia had gone through it. We knew where to go and how to do it. I was on both sides. It was incredible how they went around peacefully to organise the first election.
I must say Zimbabweans have been wonderful. This is my country of birth. I came back after 32 years. There has been unity in Zimbabwe. What I am begging Zimbabweans is: Stay united. Continue to work with this great leader of ours, Robert Mugabe. Give him the respect. He led us to freedom. Give him the respect that is due to him. He sacrificed so much; he’s done a lot. I will honour Mugabe until the very end.
He did a lot for this country and for Africa.
He is a great man.
Let’s respect him. No matter how differently we feel, do not castigate and dishonour this great man Robert Mugabe.
Kaunda still has the respect; same as the Kenyattas, the Nyereres. They were all respected until the very end. I would say to Zimbabweans: Do not look at politics as the basis of our survival. Look at development.
Interview and transcription by Morris Mkwate in Harare on April 9, 2015.
