The Sunday Mail
Darlington Musarurwa
News Editor
The Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission (Zacc) can definitely do more, particularly now that they have been given material support by Government.
Perhaps the biggest casualty during the past two decades of economic decay was the country’s moral fibre.
Well, it is hardly surprising that in a broken system — where values of community-hood are relegated to the back burner and individual, banal instincts take over — core values such as integrity, societal values and ethics become inconvenient.
The law of the jungle, where the fittest species survive, naturally kicks in.
How else can one explain last week’s embarrassing episode, where some individuals and companies, seemingly unmoved by the heart-wrenching plight of fellow Zimbabweans battling for their lives against cholera, allegedly decided to a carve out a chunk of the $10 million donation from Econet for themselves by inflating prices of life-saving equipment and drugs.
As sad as it is, it is an all too familiar story in Zimbabwe.
We see it every day in retailers who are determined to wring consumers dry through predatory prices.
We see it every day in public officials who inflate prices of goods and services procured for the State and pass on the tab to the taxpayer.
And we also see it every day in amoral socialites who, operating under the presumption that everyone has a price, are prepared to buy plum contracts and tenders from Government, and pay their way out of trouble whenever they find themselves in sticky situations with the law.
Put simply, corruption in Zimbabwe has become pervasive.
In fact, it has become a lifestyle.
But in a situation where the country has to dig itself out of the current economic rut, something has got to give.
Sacred cows
What is, however, discouraging in societies where corruption has become pervasive is that anti-corruption crusades almost always catch the small criminals, while the big criminals drift away to enjoy their ill-gotten wealth in the sunset.
It is a phenomenon that is captured well by Ghanaian writer Ayi Kwei Armah in his 1968 novel, The Beautyful Ones are Not Yet Born, where he muses why the corruption dragnet seems to be made in such a curious way that it only accounts for the “small, dispensable fellows” while the “big ones floated free”.
“The net had been made in a special Ghanaian way that allowed the really big, corrupt people to pass through it. A net to catch only the small, dispensable fellows, trying in their anguished blindness to leap to attain the gleam and the comfort the only way these things could be done.
“And the big ones floated free like all the slogans. End bribery and corruption. Build Socialism. Equality. . . A man would just have to make up his mind that there was not going to be anything but despair, and that they would be no way to escape it.”
Most often, “the small, dispensable fellows” are responsible for petty corruption, which, according to Transparency International, is “everyday abuse of entrusted power by low and mid-level public officials in their interactions with ordinary citizens”.
But corrupt practices driven by the “big ones” are likely to have a huge and deeper impact on the economic well-being of a country, as they are responsible for “grand corruption” that “distort policies or the central functioning of the State, enabling leaders to benefit at the expense of the public good.”
This is precisely the reason why an anti-corruption drive that claims low-level officials is always viewed with skepticism.
China’s ruthlessness
Part of China’s economic success can be attributed in part to its principled and sustained fight against corruption, which has increased in both scale and intensity, especially after the ascension of President Xi Jinping in 2012.
It is believed that more than one million people have been arrested in the past six years for corruption.
Some of the high-profile casualties include Zhou Yongkang, the secretary of the Central Political and Legal Affairs Commission (Communist Party of China); Sun Zhengcai, former Communist Party secretary for Chongqing; Xu Caihou, vice chair of the Central Military Commission; Guo Boxiong, also former vice chair of the Central Military Commission and Ling Jihua, director of the general office of the CPC under former President Hu Jintao.
And it seems Beijing is in for the long haul. In a speech at the Third Plenary Session of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection of the 18th CPC Central Committee on January 14, 2014, President Xi indicated that public funds are sacred and public officials who abuse it — whether high-ranking (the tigers) or low-level staff (the flies) — should be brought to book.
“Problems of misconduct often involve the handling of private and public interests, and misuse of public funds and State power.
“Public funds must be used for public purposes, and not one cent should be spent on seeking personal gain. State power must be exercised for the people, and it must never be used as a tool for private benefit. Officials must always bear this in mind, make a clear distinction between public and private interests, devote themselves to serving the public, and impose strict self-discipline,” he said.
“The whole party must realise that the fight against corruption is a long-term, complex and arduous task. We must be firm in our determination and demonstrate great courage in carrying out this campaign through to the end. Just as we would take a heavy dose of medicine to treat a serious disease, we must apply stringent laws to address disorder.”
Zimbabwe’s uninspiring case
In Zimbabwe, it seems, the fight against corruption has been underwhelming. But it is fair to say there has been some casualties.
Air Zimbabwe’s former chief executive officer Mr Peter Chikumba and Mrs Grace Pfumbidzai are currently serving seven-year prison terms after being convicted of criminal abuse of office.
Again, it is fair to also say the number of corrupt officials behind bars is disproportionately lesser considering the scale of the problem.
Encouragingly, the new Government seems to be alive to this fact.
The ruling party’s manifesto indicates that the fight against corruption is a key part of its plans to transform Zimbabwe into a moderately prosperous economy by 2030.
On page 14 of the Zanu-PF manifesto, the party unequivocally states that it plans to create a “corruption-free environment in the private and public sectors, intensify the fight against corruption in all its forms, non-interference by the Executive in the operations of Constitutional institutions that combat corruption and initiation of broad-based campaign on the importance of upholding sound ethical standards across all sectors”.
But the fight against corruption is often underestimated, for corrupters often have the power to make supposed corruption-busters look the other way.
They are prepared to pay top dollar to get their way.
This not only broadens the circle of corruption, but it also paralyses the very instruments that are supposed to be used to fight the scourge.
Encouraging signs
However, there seems to be a seismic shift as President Mnangagwa has shown real determination to clamp down on corruption.
Apart from exhorting public officials to shun corruption and value the dignity of hard work, his actions thus far have shown a real appetite to translate slogans into real action.
His decision to suspend Prosecutor-General Advocate Ray Goba on July 14 this year — about seven months after his appointment on December 4 — for failure to prosecute high-profile corruption cases, among other reasons, is an unequivocal statement of intent from the highest office in the land.
In addition, the announcement on May 21 this year of President’s Mnangagwa’s decision to set up a special anti-corruption unit in his office, which is expected to complement other Government departments and statutory bodies, shows the resolve of the new political administration.
It seems all the chips are slowly falling into place.
On March 29 this year, Chief Justice Luke Malaba launched anti-corruption courts in Harare and Bulawayo. The Judicial Services Commission (JSC) also appointed 12 magistrates to preside over corruption cases in the two provinces.
Plans are underway to establish similar courts in the country’s 10 provinces.
Likewise, Parliament’s decision to enforce the decision to compel Members of Parliament to declare their assets by October 5, including declaring the receipt and source of any gift with a value in excess of $4 500 in any calendar year or hospitality intended as a gift in kind — even when the beneficiary in the spouse, permanent companion or dependent child — is equally encouraging.
But without being followed by concrete, demonstrable campaigns against corruption, these pronouncements will always ring hollow.
Justice must not only be done, it must be seen to be done.
The Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission (Zacc) can definitely do more, particularly now that they have been given material support by Government.
It is not enough to arraign an accused person before the courts, the anti-corruption drive will only be judged best on the weight of the court cases, the extent of prejudice to the public, and most importantly, the conviction rates.
The rate at which accused persons are being acquitted before the courts should be a cause for concern.
However, the die is cast and only the next five years will show the extent of Government’s resolve to fight corruption.
All we need to do is to go after the tigers, the big ones, and the flies will flee.
This business of swatting flies and massaging tigers doesn’t work.
