BISHOP LAZARUS: How British queens trump Zim chiefs

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Another royal brat is on the way. There is no bright star in the sky, no wise men trekking from the East to behold the progeny of Immaculate Conception.

No. It is the child of the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge.

The three magi singing eternal hallelujahs are BBC and Sky (naturally), and – all the way across the pond – CNN, to show how grateful these former subjects of the monarchy are for the wonderful new edition to this morbid orb.

You have to hand it to the British. Theirs is a small country, but they know how to cast a long shadow over the rest of the world, and we all follow the beast in awe and wonder.

The British have been able (granted, over a period of centuries) to create a genuine primary institution of power called the monarchy.

All other offices on that little great island are essentially instruments through which the institution of the monarchy exercises and projects its power.

That is why the prospective British prime minister has to wait, cap in hand, to get an invitation from the monarch to form a government, even after elections.

People like to talk of the British monarchy as a ai???ceremonialai??? something with no real power. Even though being born into the right family entitles these bloodlines to tens of millions of pounds annually.

Beyond it being financially lucrative to have this blue blood coursing through ones veins, there is also great political power.

The countryai??i??s laws dictate that certain laws require the royal seal of approval before enactment. In several instances, ministers cannot even introduce a Bill to parliament without it getting Prince Charlesai??i?? nod.

Those who read a little beyond the gossip columns and sports pages will know that in 1999 the queen vetoed outright the Military Actions Against Iraq Bill because it would have transferred the power to authorise strikes against that country from her to legislators.

It is the queenai??i??s constitutional right to approve or disapprove Bills.

In the case of Prince Charles, he gets the right to fiddle or do away with any proposed laws that might interfere with his personal interests, in particular the Duchy of Cornwall ai??i?? a private A?700 million property empire.

And this monarchical power is wielded right across the other side of the world on another island that the monarchy took from the Aborigines and gave to British criminal exports centuries back.

In Australia, the monarchai??i??s representative is the governor-general, a handpicked blueblood who is commander-in-chief of that island.

The governor-general appoints ambassadors, ministers and judges, and holds royal assent and veto over legislation.

Back in 1975, the prime minister, Gough Whitlam, was removed from office by the governor-general, Sir John Kerr. Sir John then appointed an interim PM.

Yes, the monarchs decide who is PM in both Britain and Australia. It is all part of the democracy they are trying to teach the savages in Zimbabwe.

The monarchy is a traditional institution of power, one that expresses itself through multiple instruments of implementation, ranging from government offices, to commercial interests, to the media.

In Africa, more precisely in this land of Munhumutapa, we ridicule such basic institutions of power.

Here, chiefs are looked at as clowns by ai???modernai??? and ai???educatedai??? Zimbabweans. We laugh at them because in our supposed sophistication they are tasteless dregs that remind us of a drink we would rather have not drank.

Itai??i??s a legacy of colonialism.

This primary structure of power was destroyed and rebuilt as an agency of Rhodesiana.

The obliteration of this institution of power rubbed true patriots the wrong way.

Julie Frederikse, in ai???None But Ourselves – Masses vs Media in the Making of Zimbabweai???, quotes the rebel Chief Rekayi Tangwena as saying: ai???The Smith regime told me that my chieftainship was not welcome. They said, ai???You must go, for this land was bought by the whitesai??i??.

ai???They said, ai???You are no longer a chief, but a self-styled chief, because you are troublesomeai??i??. They took from me that chain that made one look like a donkey, that Smith used to indicate which of the chiefs were his donkeys so they would not go astray. I didnai??i??t mind because I didnai??i??t like to appear like a donkey.ai???

Chief Tangwenaai??i??s story is a remarkable one; a true love story – a love for the land – which is best captured in his 1969 declaration that: ai???I am married to this land. I was put here by Godai??i??and if I am to leave, I must be removed by God who put me here.ai???

Tangwenaai??i??s people lived in the mountainous Nyanga area on Zimbabweai??i??s border with Mozambique before the men without knees crossed into this land and hoisted the Union Jack on September 13, 1890 on what is now Harareai??i??s Kopje.

At the time that Chief Tangwena rose to prominence, Ian Smith ai??i?? fresh from declaring UDI – was increasingly using the traditional leadership to stifle nationalist dissent.

It was a strategy that harked back to Rhodesai??i?? indabas with traditional chiefs at the foothills of Matopos after turning Maxim and Gatling firepower on the people of Matabeleland in the 1890s.

Chief Kanga – who some historians characterise as a Smith puppet – died in the year of UDI and Rekayi, trekked from Bulawayo to assume leadership of his people.

Dr Chido Matewaai??i??s ai???Power Comes From the Peopleai??? chronicles Chief Tangwenaai??i??s quest to restore dignity and power to the ancient institution of the chieftaincy. (Dr Matewa wrote the book as an ai???autobiographyai??? in first person narrative about her father, the late Reverend Stephen Matewa, outlining his experiences as a child of the Tangwena.)

The book shows how Rhodes had taken most Nyanga as personal property culminating in Rhodes Nyanga Hotel standing today where his private residence once stood.

On his death, most of Rhodes real estate was transferred to a board of trustees, which in turn sold some of the land to the BSAC, later ending up in the hands of the Anglo-French Company.

This real estate included the home of the Tangwena people, which wound up in the hands of the Gaeresi Ranch Company.

ai???Mr Charles Hanmer, one of the directors of the Gaeresi Ranch Company, came to settle on the farm. He had his house at Troutbeck. In 1948 his brother, William Hanmer, came to settle on the farm. When he erected a fence between him and the Tangwena peopleai??i??s homesteads, they were puzzled but brushed it aside.

ai???When they were finally approached and told to vacate the land they were stunned. The Anglican Church, through its priest-in-charge in the area, tried to persuade them to move. They refused.

ai???Rekayi Tangwena, who had been working in Bulawayo, retired and settled at home. The tribe was locked in a succession dispute after Chief Kangaai??i??s death. Rekayi was appointed as Chief but government refused to recognise him.ai???

Chief Tangwena was well-versed with nationalist politics and had been a member of the Youth League, the ANC, the NDP and Zapu.

While Smithai??i??s regime refused to recognise him, his people stood by him – much like Chavezai??i??s people rejected an American-engineered coup in 2002 – and Chief Tangwena in turn vowed never to put his personal ambition ahead of the common cause.

The rest is the history we all know. Chief Tangwena helped a certain Robert Mugabe and his colleague, Edgar Tekere, cross into Mozambique to help intensify the liberation struggle; Zimbabwe got its Independence, and the great chief was rightly interred at the National Heroes Acre.

Last week, chiefs were meeting in Gweru for their annual indaba.

At the time of writing, their conference was ongoing, and President Mugabe was yet to address them.

The Bishop wonders if in their counsels they reflected on what they once were, what Chief Tangwena would want them to be; or if they were preoccupied with cars, satellite dishes and their monthly allowances.

There are serious problems with traditional leadership structures and these need serious attention.

All we hear about are demands for respect, demands for the trappings of office, and power struggles as families fight over who should be chief.

And to be honest, the Local Government Ministry has not been helpful in brining dignity and power back to this institution that makes us Zimbabweans. Just look at what has been happening in – of all places – Zvimba!

Maybe we need a dedicated commission to look into the whole gamut of traditional leadership and come up with solid recommendations on how best this institution can be revived so that it contributes more to nation-building and socio-economic development.

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  • kapfupi

    BISHOP ,this is politics

  • Chiguri Mabarwe

    The majority of the Chiefs were tap dancing to Smith’s music during the war. Fighters put an end to this in any area the forces had infiltrated. In fact Chiefs who resisted were killed and those who co-operated were stripped of their power. If you recall Chief Chirau led chiefs in the country at Smith’s blessing. Today we see this type of patronage towards the very same people. Bishop you have to understand that vaneudyire and vanhu vanoripiswa kumaruzeva. Lets not exploit Chief Tangwena, he is an exception to this bunch.

    Go ahead and reward the Chiefs with cars, they fought Smith right? Don’t forget giving a medal of honour to their leader and assistant Chief Chirau and Chief Ndiweni.